ACA nabs Umno Negri rep for RM2,000 bribe

KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 31 — The Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA) has arrested an Umno state assemblyman for allegedly accepting a RM2,000 bribe from a housing developer.

The arrest set off charges that the Negri Sembilan assemblyman was a victim of a political stitch-up. He is the third state legislator who has been picked up by the ACA in recent weeks.

Last week, two Parti Keadilan Rakyat state assemblymen were charged in court for accepting bribes to speed up approvals for a housing project.

The ACA has been on a sweep in recent weeks as it uses its expanded powers to root out corruption.

The agency has also nabbed 36 Puspakom officers and 21 runners for suspected graft to certify vehicles as roadworthy.

MCA aspirants begin canvassing for votes

KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 31 — MCA leaders look all set to make their respective bids for party national positions, kicking-off their campaign rounds and criss-crossing the nation to garner votes for the election slated for Oct 18.

And like the US presidential race, which had now reached a feverish pitch after both Democrats and Republicans picked their respective candidates, aspirants of the second largest Barisan Nasional component party are expected to follow a similar path, announcing the posts they would like to contest.

To date, only three candidates —vice-president and Transport Minister Datuk Ong Tee Keat, Youth secretary-general Wee Ka Siong and deputy Wanita chief Datuk Paduka Chew Mei Fun have announced their bid.

The others have decided to play the waiting game.

For the time being, Ong seems to be the lone candidate for the presidency of the party which has some one million members. Wee wants to be Youth chief and Chew intends to go for the Wanita top post.

The position of Youth chief fell vacant, following a decision by Datuk Liow Tiong Lai, who is also health minister, to go for the parent body position.

The Wanita chief post has also seen a vacancy with incumbent and Women, Family and Community Development Minister Datuk Dr Ng Yen Yen wanting to have a shot at one of MCA's top three posts.

However, this calm setting is about to change in days to come, as indications are that after testing the ground, other leaders are expected to announce their intentions on party positions they would like to go for.

Wanting maximum media coverage, leaders like Home Affairs Deputy Minister Datuk Chor Chee Heung and Federal Territory MCA chief Datuk Tan Chai Ho are expected to announce their candidacy for the MCA vice-presidency tomorrow, knowing very well that newspapers would be hunting for stories to fill their pages during the three-day Merdeka holidays.

"I would announce my decision on Monday (Sept 1) in Alor Star after the state liaison committee meeting," Chor replied when asked if he would go for the vice-presidency.

Other MCA leaders like secretary-general Datuk Ong Ka Chuan and vice-president Datuk Donald Lim Siang Chai, who are likely to square off for the MCA deputy presidency are expected to follow suit in the "very near future".

Ong, the younger brother of outgoing president Datuk Seri Ong Ka Ting, had indirectly hinted that he would go for the party's second post, after three MCA divisions in Perak announced that they supported him for the number two post in his presence two days ago.

While Lim is mum on his intentions, ardent supporters of the former deputy tourism minister reveal that the "boss" would also go for the deputy presidency.

"I will announce my decision after the state MCA Youth and Wanita elections," he said. The state MCA Youth and Wanita polls will be held simultaneously nationwide on Sept 6.

Another heavyweight, Dr Ng, is also expected to announce her bid in the next few days, possibly tomorrow, and talk is that the Iron Lady of MCA would fight for one of the four vice-president’s posts in the MCA. Sources also reveal that the outspoken Wanita leader would join the crowded VP race.

Liow, who is not defending his Youth chief post, on the other hand, is expected to make his announcement on Wednesday. He is likely to be another vice-president candidate.

Other leaders likely to join in the fray are Higher Education Deputy Minister Dr Hou Kok Chung, former Penang exco Datuk Koay Kar Huah, former Perlis exco Loh Yoon Foo, former Negri Sembilan exco Datuk Yeow Chai Tiam and former Sabah MCA chief Datuk Chau Tet Onn.

However, the bulk of party leaders are expected to fight for the 25 MCA Central Committee (CC) positions.

The question frequently asked in this MCA polls, though, remains unanswered. Who will take on Ong (Tee Keat) for the party's number one post?

Party insiders reveal that the contender could be either MCA vice-president Datuk Seri Dr Fong Chan Onn or former MCA vice-president Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek. But these two leaders could form a pact and trash out on who should fight the top post.

"However, until now, there is still no light at the end of the tunnel. Dr Chua wants the top post," a party insider close to the two leaders said.

Dr Chua seems to be a clear candidate trading barbs with Ong (Tee Keat) in cyberspace via blogs and this is viewed by many educated MCA delegates as a good avenue to get to know the two leaders.

"It is as good as their manifesto. For Dr Chua, it shows that he is preparing to contest," an aide to a MCA minister said.

In his blog, Dr Chua projects himself as choice to revive the MCA which received a massive blow at the March 8 general election, while Ong portrays himself as a consistent leader "without any moral issue".

However, should Dr Chua, the former health minister, opt to go for the party's top post, the issue of morality due to his previous sex scandal will definitely haunt him during the campaign.

While the two leaders seem locked in battle, former health minister and veteran MCA leader Datuk Chua Jui Meng is the dark horse as he. too, is said to be "eyeing" the MCA top post.

The path is clear for Chua after he retained the Bakri (Johor) MCA division head post and "he is likely to announce his decision next week", an aide to Chua said.

The next few weeks seem to be exciting times for the MCA.

If the leaders think that winning party elections is difficult, they are definitely wrong as another bigger battle awaits them.

That will be the fight for the hearts and minds of the Malaysian Chinese who deserted the party in droves in Election 2008. — Bernama

Malaysia's Independence Day ceremonies are clouded by politics

By Vijay Joshi

KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 31 - Malaysia celebrated 51 years of independence today, wracked by economic woes and political uncertainty over fears that a resurgent opposition could topple a government that has ruled since 1957 when British colonial rule ended.

Spectacular fireworks lit the skies at midnight.

A colourful parade with dances by Malaysia's three main ethnic groups - majority Malays and minority Chinese and Indians - passed through the historic Dataran Merdeka, or Independence Square.

"The world ... is impressed with Malaysia because not many countries with a multiracial population exist with tolerance, peace and harmony," Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi said in a speech.

It also touched on his government's efforts to fight inflation that has reached a record 8.5 per cent.

Abdullah also referred indirectly to the threat by opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim's plans to topple the government with parliamentary defections.

"A united people is a strong national bulwark against any threat, whether from within or outside the country," Abdullah said.

While a slowing economy, dwindling investments, spiralling inflation and a lacklustre stock market are major concerns for the country, the nation's attention has been riveted this year by the political fireworks surrounding the 61-year-old Anwar.

In June, a stunned nation heard of an accusation by a young male aide who claimed he was sodomised by Anwar, a former deputy prime minister who was convicted and jailed on the same charge about a decade ago.

His conviction was overturned later.

Anwar says he was a victim of a political conspiracy both times. Sodomy, even between consenting adults, is a crime in Malaysia and is punishable by up to 20 years in prison.

Anwar's humiliation came as he mounted a serious challenge to the government, accusing it of corruption and subverting the civil service, the judiciary and the police.

He also says minorities are treated unfairly while the majority Malays are given special privileges. The government denies it's doing anything wrong.

"We see the constitution being weakened, democracy trampled on and national institution turned into tools of the ruling power," Anwar said in a statement.

"It is time for Malaysians to rediscover the real meaning of freedom in the country."

Anwar's three-party coalition made spectacular gains in the March 8 general elections, increasing its strength from 19 to 82 seats in the 222-member Parliament.

Abdullah's National Front returned to power with a simple majority of 140 seats, down from its traditional two-thirds majority.

Anwar says he's now close to getting at least 30 National Front lawmakers to defect so that he can form a new government and become the next prime minister.

It is not clear if Anwar can carry out the threat by his self-imposed deadline of Sept. 16, but it has evidently unnerved the government.

In an unprecedented step, Abdullah injected politics into his economic speech to unveil the annual budget on Friday.

After announcing that the economy is expected to expand by 5.7 per cent in 2008, slowing from 6.3 per cent growth in 2007, Abdullah warned against anyone destabilizing his National Front coalition.

"Efforts by certain parties to destabilize the country by attempting to seize power through illegitimate means, and without the mandate of the people, must be rejected," he said.

"We cannot allow uncertainties to continue, as this will adversely affect foreign investment, economic sentiment and the capital markets. I will not allow these disturbances to continue," he said.

The National Front is a coalition of 13 parties led by Abdullah's United Malays National Organization. - AP

Malaysians reiterate need for change, reforms

Commentary

AUG 31 - The surprising thing about the Permatang Pauh by-election result was this: that some Malaysians were actually stunned and shocked that the Barisan Nasional could be defeated so soundly.

Let’s get real. Nothing much has changed from March 8 2008, that watershed day when Malaysians threw of the yoke of fear and conservatism and voted for the Opposition in great numbers.

Five and a half months on, this is the scenario on the ground. The Chinese and Indians still believe that the Umno-led government treats them as tenants and that the power-sharing concept of the Barisan Nasional does not protect minority interests.

The young voters still believe that Umno politicians are corrupt, arrogant and consumed by power and position.

Non-Muslims still believe that the country is sliding down the slippery slope towards intolerance and narrow-mindedness. Many Malaysians still believe that Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi is the Prime Minister of grand sounding rhetoric, but rhetoric none the same.

Here are just a few examples of what has happened since March 8 to confirm that nothing much has changed.

•The Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) is still anti-government despite several overtures by BN officials to a few leaders of the movement. When Abdullah visited the Karu Mariamman temple in Butterworth he was booed by a segment of Hindraf followers. Others upset at the presence of the PM refused to take part in the gathering.

Abdullah, protected by a phalanx of Special Branch and Unit Tindak Khas officials, stay on for a while but there was little doubt that he was an unwelcome guest.

Several Hindraf officials who were informed of the PM’s visit were dismissed as lackeys of the government. The tone of the protest against the PM showed that the movement still has not forgiven the government for jailing P Uthayakumar and others under the Internal Security Act and for addressing the marginalization of Indians seriously.

MIC and IPF members who canvassed for votes in Permatang Pauh conceded that they faced a tough time convincing the 3.300 Indian voters to support BN’s Arif Shah.

In some households, they were simply not welcome, much like during the general election campaign period.

End result: Vast majority of Indians voted for Pakatan Rakyat, just like they did on March 8.

•Christians and other non-Muslims groups. Anecdotal evidence suggest that non-Muslims, upset their religious rights were trampled upon in the years since Abdullah became prime minister, deserted the BN in numbers in March.

They have grown weary of the arrogance of Umno politicians, the impotence of MCA, Gerakan and MIC politicians to stand up for the rights of non-Malays. They have become cynical with Abdullah’s pledge of being the leader of all Malaysians.

Their vote in March was not a protest vote but a vote for change. In their opinion, their best hope for a moren equitable country lies with Anwar Ibrahim. In the run-up to the Permatang Pauh by-election , all they heard Umno politicians talk about was Malay unity and the need to ensure the rights of Malays enshrined in the Constitution was always protected.

Indeed, Malay unity and not Malaysian unity has been the number one concern of Umno since March 8. On August 25, a day before the by-election, Umno division chief Ahmad Ismail spoke at a ceramah and called Chinese pendatang (immigrants) and added that “as the Chinese were only immigrants it was impossible to achieve equal rights amongst races”.

His comments were carried in all the Chinese language newspapers. Predictably, more Chinese voted for the Opposition in Permatang Pauh on Aug 26 than they did on March 8.

Since then, MCA and Gerakan officials have demanded strong action against Ahmad Ismail.

Abdullah has promised to remind Ahmad Ismail to be more careful with his words.

His meek response will only serve to drive home the point that nothing has changed since Election 2008. Umno is arrogant and incapable of change.

•Young voters. There has been no attempt to draw up a plan for Umno/BN to win over young voters.

An analysis of Election 2008 results shows that many newly-registered voters and those in the 21 and 30 age group supported DAP, PAS or PKR candidates.

Their reasons were varied – they viewed BN as corrupt; they believed that the New Economic Policy was only benefitting a select group of Malays; they did not believe that the future of a better Malaysia was dependent on BN running the country.

Since March 8, many BN politicians have been talking about getting closer to young voters. What they don’t realise is that younger Malaysians will only support a political party which shares their aspirations, not one that continues to lecture them.

At Permatang Pauh, some 90 per cent of the young voters supported Anwar Ibrahim.

•Malay voters. In July, the Islamic International University polled 1,500 Malays from across the country to find out their political values.

They discovered that 70 per cent of those polled said that even though the government could guarantee strong economic growth and stability, it was necessary to hold elections and ensure that democracy was alive.

Some 90 per cent of them wanted the special rights of the Malays to be maintained but they also wanted other races to be treated fairly. Nearly 70 per cent said that they did not agree with detention without trial.

Taken together, their views seemed to be closer to what Anwar Ibrahim spoke about in the run-up to the by-election than what Datuk Seri Najib Abdul Razak and other BN leader promised.

Anwar assured the Malays that their rights were protected under the Constitution but added that needy Chinese and Indians also needed help from the government.

He said that the Internal Security Act must be abolished and more must be done to ensure that the political system was not corrupt.

So like Election 2008, he was speaking a language which found resonance on the ground. In contrast, Umno politicians still are stuck in a time warp, believing that appealing to Malay insecurity is the only way to keep political power.

•Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. How can a leader squander an approval rating of 91 per cent in March 2004 and watch it plummet to 43 per cent in July 2008?

By not fulfilling a raft of promises including the pledge to be a leader of all Malaysians; to fight corruption; to bring about reform in the police, judiciary and the political system.

By the time March 8 came

around, many Malaysians had become disillusioned with Abdullah, believing that he was indecisive and could not execute policies.

In the days after Election 2008, he came out strong, saying that he had heard the voices of dissent and was committed to repairing the country’s institutions and tackling the rising cost of living.

After the initial burst of enthusiasm, his unwillingness to upset Umno during the party’s election season has seen him go slow on reforming the judiciary.

His Cabinet does not inspire confidence nor does his stewardship of the Malaysian economy. Cynicism and skepticism accompanies every promise and pledge that he makes today.

So really no one should be surprised that Anwar won by a yawning gap over BN’s Arif Shah on August 26.

Malaysians voted for change on March 8. It was not a protest vote, it was a vote for change.

Abdullah, Umno and the BN still don’t get it. So the electorate sent them another message on

August 26.

Only this time it was more emphatic.

This Merdeka, Forget About Unity!

By Khoo Kay Peng

AUG 31 - After nearly 51 years of independence, we are still talking about national unity. National unity is an often repeated mantra of the only government we know but action speaks louder than words. Unfortunately, there is very little of our multi-racial harmony that we can credit to the politics of race and religion.

Multi-racial co-existence is a lot older than our nation. This land was inhabited by different races longer than what's recorded in our history textbooks.

The fact that our multi-racial society is still living in peace and harmony proves that we have accepted our shared destiny.

But why are politicians so eager to play up instead of celebrate our diversity? Only days ago during the Permatang Pauh by-election campaign, the Umno Bukit Bendera division chairman Ahmad Ismail called Chinese Malaysians ungrateful "squatters" in this country.

His statement received harsh responses from both friends and foes. His friends in the coalition even launched a signature campaign against him and others have challenged him to a debate on the subject. If the debate does happen, it will probably attract an audience looking for free entertainment rather than a serious intellectual discourse. The melodrama continues until the next Ahmad Ismail emerges.

This scenario is representative of a serious problem in our society. Talking about unity alone shows a lack of vocabulary in our socio-political language. Why can't we talk about how to make Malaysia a great sporting nation in the 21st century? Surely, we would like to think that we can eventually win a gold medal at the next Olympic Games?

Or what about aspiring to being an international cultural hub since both our cities, Malacca and George Town, were recently accorded World Living Heritage status by Unesco? We should start taking our tourism tagline "Malaysia, Truly Asia" seriously.

As the world becomes more competitive and advanced, we need to correct our socio-political language and bad habits if we want to catch up with the rest. Malaysians need to get over the issue of getting along with one another. We get along fine with each other.

It is time now to think about our rightful place or position in this highly competitive world. How do we want other societies to perceive us? What is Brand Malaysia? What are our unique selling propositions?

Politicians who refuse to accept the realities of the 21st century should be ushered to their rightful place – a small corner in our museum. It is odd to want to be racially or socially exclusive at a time when the world is so inter-connected. We stand to benefit so much more from inter-cultural exchanges than to stay inside our communal shell. Unfortunately, we have been forced to consume such divisive socio-political rhetoric for far too long until we have grown accustomed to it. Our political system needs a purge.

So the next time you meet another Ahmad Ismail, hit him with the biggest trout you can find so that you will wake him up from his slumber. Yes, communal and all kinds of divisive politics must go.
There is really nothing to divide us. Not colour of the skin. There are as many fair Indians and Malays as there are fair Chinese. Not even religion. There are more Chinese Muslims and Indian Muslims than there are Malay Muslims.

For our 51st Merdeka, we should get over our fixation with national unity. Move out of this country if you feel you cannot get along with the various cultures here.
Otherwise, stay and be proud of our diversity. Many Malaysians are culturally sensitive and multi-lingual because of this advantage we enjoy in our own social environment. If many are envious of our linguistic prowess and cultural breadth and depth, why must we be jealous of this special divine gift?

We should take this time to reflect on how we can strengthen our partnership to make Malaysia economically viable and successful. With a population size of less than 28 million, we are a small fish swimming in a big ocean. The globalisation wave will sweep us aside if we do not develop strong arms to ensure that we can keep up with the rest. At the moment, countries such as Vietnam are breathing down our necks and soon Cambodia will be tapping us on our shoulder.

We have lost sight of South Korea, Taiwan and Singapore.

Already some of our businesses are feeling pessimistic about our domestic economic prospect. High inflationary pressure and lower consumer demands are holding up domestic investment. If we cannot even keep our own locals from leaving, how can we hope to attract others to invest in our country?

The lack of confidence in our economy should be the main concern of the government. Not the controversial DNA Bill. It will be highly admirable if the government can help tackle some economic issues and challenges as fast as the way they pushed through that Bill in parliament.

The government should act responsibly to take political contestation out of public policy formulation instead of bringing it into the process.

Malaysians must look at the broader picture. We must not allow narrow minded and self centred politicians to hinder our reaching a consensus on what we expect this country to become in the near future. Malaysia has only one choice and that choice must be to make this country a better one than it was the previous year.
Our march towards greater success should start with a tiny first step – kick out racism and corruption!

Khoo Kay Peng is a corporate consultant, an independent political analyst and the co-author of "Non-Sectarian Politics in Malaysia: The Case of Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia".

Big illegals headache for Sabah

KOTA KINABALU, Aug 30 — Malaysia is mounting its toughest crackdown in years against thousands of illegal immigrants in Sabah.

The human flood has come in through the highly porous borders that the eastern state shares with its poorer neighbours, Indonesia and the Philippines.

Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak announced the deportation drive in late June and the round-ups began this month, giving the “illegals” plenty of warning to leave. But few believe that forced repatriations offer a concrete solution to stemming the flood. Many of those now facing an uncomfortable spell in detention and deportation will likely try to slip back, as they have in the past crackdowns.

Estimates vary on how many illegals are in Sabah, though the official estimate is between 130,000 and 150,000.

A leading authority on the issue believes it is far higher. Dr Chong Eng Leong, a former politician and surgeon by profession, has been studying Sabah's population censuses, electoral rolls and data on identity cards for the past decade.

“To understand our predicament, you have to know something about Sabah's
population development,” he said.

It has risen 300 per cent since 1970, nearly three times faster than in neighbouring Sarawak, he noted.

Furthermore, migrants have dramatically changed Sabah's demographics. A quarter of the state's population of around three million, fully 750,000, are foreigners. Of that number, Dr Chong reckons that far more than 400,000 of them are here illegally.

A mix of economic and political factors have opened Sabah up to immigrants from its closest neighbours.

Filipino Muslims fleeing a separatist insurgency came in the first wave in the early 1970s. And economic migrants flocked here during East Asia's stellar decade of growth before 1997's financial crisis.

The push of poverty and demand for cheap labour in Sabah's palm-oil plantations and its labour-intensive construction and manufacturing industries have kept them coming.

Red tape and fears of dealing with the authorities put many off from applying for papers. In fact, despite stiff penalties, employers often prefer to hire illegals to avoid paying government levies for hiring foreign workers.

A controversy has been simmering for years over claims that large numbers of Malaysian identity cards were given to undocumented migrants in exchange for votes in the 1980s and 1990s.

Residents of Sabah blame the illegals for crime and all kinds of social problems.

“People here are really fed up; they feel there's no end to the problem,” said a journalist in the capital Kota Kinabalu.

The crackdown began on Aug 7 in three districts of Sabah. Law enforcers from federal and state agencies checked nearly 12,000 individuals, detaining 393 Filipinos and 106 Indonesians.

Six days later, several hundred foreign workers were rounded up in Keningau, a logging district that relies heavily on migrant labour from Indonesia.

There have been regular evictions of illegal immigrants, but the current operation has shifted them into a higher gear. Last year, 26,332 were arrested.

Najib acknowledged that foreigners without valid papers were crossing Sabah's “rather porous” points of entry on a “free-wheeling basis”.

“So we have taken the decision to ensure tougher controls,” he told a news conference in Kota Kinabalu recently. These include fingerprinting arrested illegals using biometric readers to prevent them from returning.

New detention centres are being built in the coastal towns of Sandakan and Papar, according to reports, and the capacity of another in Tawau is being expanded. The three centres are said to hold a combined 2,500 people.

The Philippines has asked for more time to prepare for the deportations, and appealed to the Malaysian authorities to treat those caught humanely.

The severity of a 2002 clampdown — code-named Operation Wipe-out — badly strained relations for a time.

It spawned reports of Filipino babies dying in overcrowded Malaysian detention centres, and detainees alleged that they had been badly treated, causing a national furore.

There was anger in Indonesia, too, when thousands of migrants who had been pushed out of Sabah overwhelmed makeshift camps in the town of Nunukan in East Kalimantan. More than 60 people reportedly died from preventable diseases blamed on unsanitary conditions.

Around 20,000 illegal immigrants were expelled in the operation, and 200,000 made use of an amnesty period, according to Dr Chong.

Employers in Sabah warn that the latest mass deportations could damage the local economy. They are calling on the government to give undocumented workers with jobs the chance to legalise their status in a three-month window.

“Legalise them and send the rest home,” said the Federation of Chinese Associations Sabah president Sari Nuar. But for that to work, he added, levies on employing foreigners must be cut.

He estimated that only 30 per cent of the mostly Indonesians working in Sabah's palm-oil plantation industry have valid papers, and that is less than in other sectors relying on cheaper foreign labour. — Straits Times Singapore

Born in Sabah, but she’s an illegal

ZAMBOANGA, Aug 30 — Rina, 17 years old and heavily pregnant, is waiting for her husband to be deported.

The two were caught in a round-up of illegal immigrants in the city of Sandakan in Sabah in early June.

After spending several weeks in a detention centre, she was put on a ferry to the southern Philippine port of Zamboanga, along with around 100 other Filipinos without papers. It was the first time that she had set foot in the country. Her parents were Muslim Filipinos from the impoverished Sulu islands, who migrated to Sabah in the early 1980s in search of better-paid work.

Both eventually got the coveted identity cards allowing them to stay in Malaysia. But like the children of many second-generation migrants, Rina (not her real name) was born into a shadow world. She never went to school or visited a doctor for fear of being exposed as an “illegal”.

“It was too hard for my parents to get my papers,” she said.

Her 18-year-old husband comes from a village on Jolo, an island in the Sulu chain, but she does not know its name.

So she spends her day listlessly waiting for him to arrive at a government centre for displaced persons in Zamboanga.

“I want to stay in the Philippines and finally have the peace of mind that I never had in all my life in Sabah,” she said.

Most of the Filipinos deported from Sabah are from an autonomous region for Muslims in the south. Its provinces are among the country's poorest.

Philippine government figures show that some 8,000 Filipinos were deported from Sabah in the first seven months of this year. Last year, nearly 12,000 were sent packing.

The numbers are set to rise sharply since Malaysia launched a crackdown earlier this month on illegal immigrants. Most of them are Filipinos and Indonesians working on oil palm plantations or construction sites and factories. Many of those deported will try to return to find work or rejoin their families.

Among them is Amina Hasan, 20.

She and her two-month-old daughter arrived in Zamboanga from Sandakan on Aug 13, along with 127 other deportees. Her husband, a construction worker, is still in Sabah.

“I hope I can secure the documents and finances to return legally, but if not I'll be forced to go back the other way,” she said.

That will probably be her only option. Under the clampdown, Malaysia is now registering deportees using biometric fingerprint readers. Even if she secures valid papers to return to Sabah, she will be denied entry under new regulations.

Most slip back from Sulu's southernmost islands. The night trip, usually in outrigger boats called bancas, costs between 3,000 and 4,000 pesos (RM285), say those that have done it.

Deportees are on at most twice-weekly ferry sailings from Sandakan to Zamboanga. They are met at the dockside by government social workers, put on trucks and taken to the centre for displaced persons in the city's Mampang district.

The clients — as the staff call them — usually stay only for a few days before being given a small allowance to get home. Around 70 per cent of the deportees are male, typically aged between 18 and 35. Everybody there complained earlier this month of poor food or too little of it during their detention in Sabah. But nobody said they had been mistreated.

The centre's director Nadzma Hussein said around 20 per cent of deportees arrive with health problems, mainly respiratory and skin conditions. A few cases of tuberculosis also turn up.

But she said: “The situation is improving and their physical appearance is much better this year; they used to arrive looking very dirty.” — Straits Times Singapore

ACA records Nallakaruppan's statement

KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 29 - Malaysian Indian United Party (MIUP) president Datuk S. Nalakaruppan gave his statement to the Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA) today to assist investigation into his allegation that Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim had received RM60 million from Magnum Corp when he was the finance minister.

ACA Director of Investigations Datuk Shukri Abdul, when contacted, confirmed that the former right-hand man of the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) advisor was called up to give statements on his allegation, but declined to comment further.

"The ACA began recording Nallakaruppan's statement since 3pm today. However, our officers did not record his statement at the ACA Headquarters in Putrajaya.

"The location cannot be disclosed to the media but I can confirm that the ACA is now recording his statement," Shukri said, here.

Nallakaruppan, 61, in his ceramah in Permatang Pauh on Aug 23 had claimed that he had handed RM60 million from a gaming company to Anwar in 1968 for an undisclosed purpose.

He claimed that he had handed over the money personally to Anwar and that the PKR advisor had approved many gambling licences and four-digit lottery shops when he was the finance minister and deputy prime minister. - Bernama

More questions than answers

By Debra Chong

KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 29 — No doubt about it, it's an expansionary Budget. But for a government that is not strong on execution of policies, it is also a Budget that throws up quite a lot more questions than offer answers.

"I think it's definitely one that attempts to be responsive to what the government sees as concerns arising from March 8," said Tricia Yeoh, the director for the KL-based Centre of Public Policy Studies (CPPS).

"The primary concern is social-economic inequality, which can be seen very clearly. Despite the economic slowdown that we're experiencing now, it needed a decision to choose an expansionary budget. It needed the choice of spending money to stimulate growth, to address the economic slowdown," she added.

Asked if she saw the 2009 Budget as fair or lopsided, she replied: "I would say it's fair for present times, but I'd be very cautious of pumping such a large amount of money into it."

Referring to their formal statement to the media, Yeoh said that the government's operating cost had increased by almost 200 per cent in the past eight years.

"It means a lot of money," she noted. "The question is how come so much is going to operating expenses compared to the allocation for development? The increase in budget seems to go into the operational expenses rather than for development expenses."

"I understand the need to generate growth but the government has not shown a good track record of making sure the money trickles down to the lower-income groups; primarily, due to No 1: corruption; and two: the government has weak institutional structures.

"Due to the weakened institutions, a great amount of funding that has already been put in the budget in previous years, it doesn't seem that the output does not match the input.

"The main question now is whether or not they are channelled in the right way, in institutional structures given that the culture of corruption still abounds.

"My conclusion: There's some fairness in allocation, but again, you have to look at the places where they are lacking. It doesn't talk of urban poverty. It mentions inflation in one line. There's no measures of addressing inflation.

"It's obviously needing to win back the respect and support it lost over the last two years. If you look at the very last part his speech, that specific mention of politics, where he says he hopes there's no underhanded ways to take over, linking the two together, one would say this Budget is a populist measure.

“But you cannot fault the government for this. That's what the government is and sees its role as," she commented, when pressed for her views on the government's real motive.

"In one line, such a large record expansionary budget can only be thoroughly positive given the assurances that this money will be put to good use, without unnecessary abuse, leakages and wastage.

"Unfortunately, the past track record of government has been poor in this respect. With a rampant culture of corruption and weak institutional structures, this may lead to continued wastage and abuse.

“I would therefore emphasise strengthening the institutions of governance, so that the funds are actually optimised and maximised," she concluded.

Budget 2009: Bitter Sweet

By Tony Pua, MP for PJ Utara, DAP publicity secretary and former CEO of an IT company

AUG 29 — The newly announced budget needs to be looked upon from two perspectives – macro and micro. From a micro perspective, the government must at least be given some credit for shifting its emphasis to what concerns rakyat the most today – that is the impact of record levels of inflation on the people's livelihood.

The prime minister spoke of a social safety net, encapsulated by the commendable measure to increase the threshold for welfare eligibility from the current RM400 per household to RM720, which is the poverty line for peninsular Malaysia. This will cost the government RM500 million.

At the same time, he also attempted to address the need for an efficient and convenient public transportation system. In this aspect, the government's effort is lukewarm at best.

Despite an impressive headline figure of RM35 billion allocated for public transportation, it actually only works out to RM5.8 billion a year over the next six years. In fact, if one looks carefully at the budget for the transportation sector, it has declined by RM1 billion to RM11.5 billion.

The education and training sectors are among those which benefited the most, with overall allocation increasing to RM48.8 billion from RM44 billion previously. This makes up a healthy 23.5% of the total budget.

However, while there were quite a few other sweets which were distributed fairly generously in this budget, I'm deeply concerned over certain macro developments on our budget which in the longer term may place our economy in jeopardy.

Firstly, I'm taken aback by the size of the increase in budget expenditure for this year, 2008 as compared to what was actually budgeted last year.

Last year we heard the government announcing a record budget of RM176.9 billion, but based on the latest figures, we will grossly exceed our budget by RM20.3 billion to RM197.2 billion.

This basically means that despite record revenue and a record budget, our government couldn't prudently control its expenditure (well, either that, or they couldn't do a proper budget).

What makes the issue more glaring is the fact that it is the operational expenditure i.e. rental, maintenance, stationery supplies, civil service wages etc, despite being at record levels in the budget announced last year, that busted the original allocation by 17.2%, increasing to RM151 billion.

Next year, the budgeted operational expenditure is another record RM154.2 billion. This figure is both shocking and scary as operational expenditure for the government when Abdullah Badawi first became prime minister in 2004 was only RM80.5 billion.

In just a short period of four to five years, government operational expenditure has increased by 91.5% or RM73.7 billion. This raises the question as to what the government is spending its money on which requires such substantial increase in operational expenses?

Even more worrying is the fact that most of the government's revenue is sourced from the petroleum sector. Last year, the estimated contribution of the sector to our government's coffers was 37%, but for 2009, this is estimated to increase to 46.4%.

Given that the bulk of our revenue is coming from a non-renewal resource, which may last us for only another two to three decades, it would have been better advised for the government to allocate part of this oil "lottery" revenue to future use for coming generations. Or at the very least, these funds should have been placed under development expenditure.

Instead, while development expenditure did increase in this budget, its proportion of the budget continues to drop and from 27.2% in 2008 it will amount to just 25.9% in 2009.

What's more, while the government trumpeted a drop in deficit from 4.8% in 2008 to a budgeted 3.6% in 2009, it fails to state that the initial budget for last year had a target of only 3.1%.

This means that the government has clearly overspent last year and it almost means that the government's budget cannot be relied upon as an accurate measure of government expenditure for the variation was so huge despite the finance ministers having earlier this year defended the target of 3.1%.

Even more importantly, it shows that our government is unable to contain the budget deficit, despite massive inflow of revenue, from RM139.9 billion in 2006 to RM176.2 billion expected in 2009.

Hence, the potent combination of our increasing reliance on oil and gas revenues, together with the government's seeming recklessness in spending it all (and more), I'm very worried about the financial health of the country in the future, especially in the light of greater economic competition coupled with a potential global economic slowdown in the next few years.

Toll, road tax cuts for buses and taxies

KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 29 - Toll charges for all buses, except at selected border entry points, will be reduced by 50 percent for two years while the road tax for buses and taxis will be slashed to RM20 a year to ease the burden of bus and taxi operators.

The reduction of toll charges, except at border entry points of Johor Causeway, Second Link and Bukit Kayu Hitam, will take effect from Sept 15 this year.

In announcing this today, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi said the government would provide compensation to the toll operators for their loss of revenue, estimated at RM45 million yearly.

He said bus operators would also be given sales tax exemption on the purchase of locally assembled new buses and Accelerated Capital Allowance on the expenditure incurred.

Abdullah said the road tax reduction for buses and taxi operators also covers rent-a-car and limousine operators.

He said the government would provide a soft loan facility of RM3 billion under the Transportation Fund, administered by Bank Pembangunan Malaysia Bhd, to finance the acquisition of buses and rail assets.

Abdullah also said that the Public Land Transportation Commission would be established under the Prime Minister's Department to plan, integrate, regulate and improve the overall public transportation services.

The single authority, which is expected to commence operations middle of next year, was important to facilitate planning and coordination as well as improve enforcement, he said. - Bernama

Heritage gets a RM50 million boost

KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 29 — Late last month, Malaysia made the headlines when Unesco listed Georgetown and Malacca as World Heritage Sites.

This country's rich cultural heritage has not been fully supported by the government all these years but Budget 2009 will "provide an allocation of RM50 million for conservation works of heritage sites in Melaka and Pulau Pinang, to support activities undertaken by non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and private sector".

When contacted by The Malaysian Insider, the executive director of Badan Warisan Elizabeth Cardosa didn't want to sound ungrateful but said "RM50 million is really not enough".

Suffolk House in Georgetown cost an estimated RM5 million to restore.

And, of course, there are more questions than answers for now: how will the money be allocated, will it be through the Ministry of Culture and Heritage, is it to be split equally between Melaka and Georgetown, and so on and so on.

Once again, as it is proving with this Budget… it's another case of "better than nothing".

East Malaysian MPs happy with special allocation for their states

By Shannon Teoh

KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 29 - East Malaysian MPs are happy with the special allocations to their states in Budget 2009 but refuse to acknowledge any political motivation behind it.

"It is a redistribution of wealth and not politically motivated. A lot of Sabah and Sarawak MPs have raised these issues in Parliament and the government has shown it is responsive. This does not mean it is addressing crossovers," Unity, Culture, Arts and Heritage Minister Datuk Shafie Apdal told reporters.

The Semporna MP said yesterday that all parliamentarians from East Malaysia would sign a pledge of loyalty to BN and send it to Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi today. However, several MPs refused to sign the pledge, calling it degrading to have to continuously reaffirm their loyalty.

Holding a folder with sheets containing the signatures, he initially refused to comment on matters pertaining to the pledge but relented later.

"We have many signatures already. It is a positive number," he said, refusing to commit to a figure and added that it included all the top leaders and said that some had preferred to send personal letters to Abdullah directly.

He also denied that the move had anything to do with gaining leverage in upcoming Umno party polls.

Kinabatangan MP Bung Mokhtar Radin was more forthright, saying that the collection of signatures was ongoing and they would have a majority of the MPs.

"Some may not want to sign but we will have more than 80%," was his estimate, adding that the pledge would only be sent to Abdullah at a later date, perhaps even after Merdeka.

"It is a great move from the government as it will increase confidence in the people of Sabah and Sarawak. I don't think it is politically motivated. It shows responsibility as it is high time the government address and raise development here," he offered on the move to allocate RM3 billion and RM3.3 billion to Sabah and Sarawak respectively on rural infrastructure.

Both Science, Technology and Innovation Minister Datuk Dr Maximus Ongkili and Deputy Minister of Housing and Local Government Datuk Robert Lau Hoi Chew also denied a political motivation and instead talked up the focus on rural development.

"We feel we are a bit left behind so this will bring balanced development," said Lau while Ongkili said that there were half a dozen proposals that would cut rural poverty.

"These are the basic demands on the people. the government has shown its sincerity as these issues have been stated even in our state assemblies. In fact, my personal opinion is that it should have been an election budget for 2008," Ongkili added.

CPPS on Budget 2009

CENTRE FOR PUBLIC POLICY STUDIES PRESS STATEMENT

Increase in Budget allocation

This is a record expansionary budget of RM207.9 billion, a further increase of 5% from the RM177 billion budget allocated in 2008, with the express objective of countering the problem of stagflation and overall economic slowdown indicated by the expected 5.4% growth rate for 2009. The fiscal deficit is also expected to increase from 3.7% in 2007 to 4.8% in 2008. Whilst this is acceptable because generating growth is a priority during such economically challenging times, this has to be carefully guarded for the future, as a large fiscal deficit is not sustainable in the long run and should be monitored quarterly. Operational expenditure has increased to RM154.2 billion, from RM128.8 billion in 2008, an alarming increase of almost 20%. This is close to a 200% increase from the operating expenditure in 2000, which was only RM53.35 billion. The government’s commitment in reducing the fiscal deficit as promised must be closely monitored. Secondly, there are no measures mentioned explicitly in tackling rising inflation.

Policies should be equitably implemented

There seems to be a shift in strategy, in that there are no explicit references to closing interethnic inequalities within each of its policies on poverty eradication, urban transportation, health services, public amenities and so on. This is a positive move away from race-based policies. However, the CPPS cautions that these policies be implemented equitably regardless of race, failing which they would fall into the trap of naturally executing incumbent policies favouring one ethnic community over the other.

Reducing regional imbalances

The government has responded to the criticisms of many that its economic budgetary policy has given insufficient attention to Sabah and Sarawak, now evidenced by its allocation of RM580 million and RM420 million, respectively. The entrenched systems of corruption must nevertheless be checked so that the money is rightly channelled, lest they are wasted in the form of massive leakages in both states.

People-oriented Budget

The budget puts less focus on mega projects and gives attention to lower income groups. Whilst the budget focuses on addressing rural poverty, very few measures besides increased allocations for public transport are directly related to addressing urban poverty. In a situation of rapid urbanisation, with 71% of Malaysia projected to be urban by 2015, urgent measures are needed to alleviate the predicaments of the urban poor.

In light of rising food prices and the increased burden this places on low-income groups, the government has reduced import duties on various consumer durables and full import duty exemption from selected food items. The CPPS however recommends that all food items should be exempt from import duty, since food price increases are affecting low to middle income groups greatly.

Stimulating investment

The announced measures for stimulating private investment are welcome, but are also lacking. It is recommended that the Foreign Investment Committee guidelines for equity ownership should be loosened to encourage domestic and foreign investment, which will give our economy a much-needed boost, stimulating production. Strict equity restrictions are what turn away foreign investors from Malaysia. Further, these restrictions for approved investments are carriers to investment and do not materially assist Bumiputera growth. Burdensome regulations pertaining to licensing, permits and quotas should also be addressed. Cutting the proliferation of red tape here will only serve consumers by lowering prices and the cost of doing business, which is Malaysia is slipping in.

Strengthening institutions

Finally, the centre believes that it is primarily due to the weakened institutions that implementation of sound policies have failed. The delivery system of the government has to be improved if we are to compete with first world countries. The government must ensure value for people’s tax money and reduce wasteful government spending, which has only grown courtesy of corruption fueled by opaque government policies and practices. As such, greater funds should be allocated to the Judiciary, which presently fails to adapt to private sector needs for commercial dispute resolution, amongst dealing with other legal procedures necessary for efficient operations within both the private and public sectors. The trend of greater independence and funds for the Anti-Corruption Agency should continue to check wastage and leakage in the public and private sectors. Such funds would build capacity and ensure independence and autonomy from the executive, thereby guaranteeing further checks and balances in our system of governance – and ensure that the hefty amounts of funds allocated for the country’s growth do not go to waste.

Tan Sri Ramon V. Navaratnam, chairman

Tricia Yeoh, director

Centre for Public Policy Studies

Expansionary Budget on the cards

KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 29 — Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi is expected to present an expansionary budget for 2009 today which could push the budget deficit of the federal government to above 4.5 per cent of gross domestic product, making it the highest deficit since 2003.

Abdullah, who is also finance minister, will table the Bill under the watchful gaze of newly sworn-in opposition leader and former finance minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim who has criticised Abdullah's administration for financial mismanagement.

But Abdullah probably has no choice in the matter. Inflation hit a 27-year high in July, touching 8.5 per cent and sparking massive protests across the country. Meanwhile, the cost of construction materials has soared, which will make pump priming projects more expensive. Thus, economists believe that Abdullah could present a total spending package of almost RM200 billion, which would be a record.

Although the increased deficit is likely to annoy the international rating agencies, they are unlikely to downgrade Malaysia's sovereign rating anytime soon. That's because Malaysia's total public debt as a proportion of GDP is 42 per cent, considerably lower than the international “stress” level of 60 per cent.

Abdullah's budget is likely to be populist with pump-priming projects and tax cuts for the lower income group. Analysts also think that some of the spending is likely to be aimed at improving the public transport system now more widely used because of higher fuel prices. Indeed, last year, the government said that an extra RM10 billion would be allocated to extend the light rail transit system in Kuala Lumpur.

Chee Wei Loong of CLSA in Kuala Lumpur thinks that employee contributions to the Employees Provident Fund, the country's largest private pension plan, could be “temporarily” eased to increase cash in hand and help boost consumption spending. The tactic had been used by former premier Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad in 2002 with some success.

Meanwhile, to boost revenue, the government is widely expected to raise “sin” taxes. Duties on cigarettes are widely expected to be raised although the tax on beer is less likely as Malaysian beer, on a relative basis, is already considered extremely expensive.

Analysts are divided on the possibility of the government raising gaming taxes. It would be a populist move where ethnic Malays, who form 64 per cent of the population, are concerned; Islam, the religion of the Malays, forbids gambling. But industry studies have consistently shown that raising gaming taxes drives more gamblers into the illegal market which would translate ultimately to lower government revenues.

For political reasons, Abdullah is also likely to throw more money at Sabah and Sarawak with development projects such as the upgrading of the Trans-Borneo highway and flood mitigation schemes.

The goods and services tax (GST) which was scheduled to be implemented in 2007 is almost definitely off the table. Abdullah is unlikely to impose such a tax for two reasons. One, it could be political suicide and two, it would almost certainly crimp consumption spending which has become a key driver of the Malaysian economy in recent years. — Business Times Singapore

Sodomy and the backlash

KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 29 — After an ugly, mudslinging campaign, a by-election on Aug 26 in the northern constituency of Permatang Pauh may have changed Malaysia’s political landscape permanently. The stakes were high.

The main opposition leader, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, bidding to return to Parliament, had to win convincingly to keep up the momentum of his drive to unseat Umno and its allies, which have ruled since independence from Britain in 1957. The government, which lost its two-thirds majority (needed to change the constitution) in a general election in March, wanted at least to deny Anwar a big majority. But he won by almost 16,000 votes, 2,000 more than in March, when his wife defended the seat.

So Anwar’s second shot at power remains on track. Ten years ago he was deputy prime minister and Umno’s heir-apparent. But he was brought down by trumped-up charges of "sodomy", a crime in Malaysia, after falling out with the then leader, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad. Anwar was jailed for this and a further charge of corruption, then freed in 2004 after Dr Mahathir had handed the reins of power to the current prime minister, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. Anwar has since built an unlikely opposition alliance. His own, multiracial PKR has teamed up with both the Islamic party Pas, which appeals to Malaysia’s Muslim, ethnic-Malay majority, and the firmly secular DAP, whose main base is the ethnic-Chinese minority.

In June, soon after a ban on Anwar’s holding political office expired, a young male aide made familiar-sounding accusations of sodomy, for which Anwar will, again, go on trial soon. The government insists this is no put-up job, though to its embarrassment it soon emerged that the accuser had met Abdullah’s deputy, Datuk Seri Najib Razak, and other government officials.

In the by-election campaign, the government side constantly played video clips of Anwar’s accuser swearing on the Quran that his allegations were true. In turn, the opposition reminded voters of the gruesome murder of a Mongolian woman, over which one of Najib’s advisers and two police bodyguards are on trial.

Little of the mud slung in Anwar’s direction seemed to stick. According to a poll by Merdeka Centre, an opinion-research outfit, the weekend before the by-election, 59% of voters in Permatang Pauh thought the sodomy allegation politically motivated, and only 11% deemed it the main issue in the election, compared with 32% who thought the economy was. Anwar promises to abolish the policy of giving Malays preference for state jobs and contracts, arguing that it has mainly benefited the well-connected few. Ethnic Malays, by voting for Anwar in large numbers, seem to have rejected the government’s charge that he is a traitor to his race.

Datuk Zaid Ibrahim, a lawyer whom Abdullah recently brought into his Cabinet to lead the reform of a corrupt judiciary, says the lesson from the by-election is that voters are tired of personal attacks, and of the "overkill" tactics the government turns on its opponents. It should, says Zaid, start showing the opposition some respect and engage it in a policy debate.

Other ministers, however, are much more relaxed about the by-election defeat. Datuk Shabery Cheek, the information minister, argues that the governing coalition has recovered from similar setbacks before. Furthermore, he says, Anwar was campaigning in his home constituency, in a seat he used to occupy before his 1998 troubles, so his comfortable win was not that significant. Datuk Seri Syed Hamid Albar, the home minister, notes that voters still gave the Umno-led coalition a majority in the general election: this shows, he argues, that they still want the government in power, even if they also want to give the opposition a stronger voice.

For Bridget Welsh, an American academic who studies Malaysia, this laid-back view suggests that much of the government is "in denial" about the message the voters are sending. Hitherto, says Welsh, Malaysians have been rather risk-averse. But ministers may be underestimating the effect that access to uncensored news, via the Internet, is having in changing people’s views. To relieve the pressure for his resignation over the March election upset, Abdullah has promised to hand over to Najib in 2010. Welsh notes that since Najib is popular within Umno, but is seen outside it as a hardliner, his rise may not solve the party’s problem with voters.

Anwar claims he is close to prising enough parliamentarians from the government benches to give him a parliamentary majority — he even boasts of taking power by Sept 16, Malaysia Day. But this will be a tall order. His alliance has 82 seats in the 222-seat Lower House. He would need comfortably more than the minimum of 30 floor-crossers to form a stable government — and in practice most would need to be Malays, i.e. from Umno rather than its non-Malay coalition partners. Most potential defectors will be loth to jump ship unless they feel sure the government is about to collapse.

Anwar says it is not that important if he does not get enough defections by Sept 16. He argues that the "climate of change" among the public, especially the Malays, means that the momentum behind him is now unstoppable. However, Tricia Yeoh, of the Centre for Public Policy Studies, a think-tank, says that to maintain it, the opposition leader must urgently press on with forming a credible shadow Cabinet, to show that his disparate alliance has the "seriousness and capability" to take on the job of government.

What if Umno does fall, either through defections in the short term or by losing the next election, and Malaysia gets its first alternation of power? Many institutions of state — especially the police, courts and civil service — are deeply politicised. But Ong Kian Ming, a political scientist, reckons that most would fall in line if the opposition takes power, as long as Anwar avoids provoking them needlessly. Most big Malaysian businesses, despite their cosiness with the current government, would also prefer an Anwar government to a prolonged period of political instability. In the meantime the government looks likely to do everything it can to retain power. Except, it still seems, the one thing that might work: showing some tangible progress on the reforms Abdullah keeps promising but never provides. — The Economist

DNA bill raises debate, furore and questions on parliamentary procedure

KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 29 - The DNA Identification Bill which has just been read for the 2nd time in Dewan Rakyat, raised not just debate and furore surrounding its alleged loopholes and weaknesses but also curiosity over Standing Orders and procedures to the passing of Bills before they are enacted as law.

The Standing Orders of the Dewan Rakyat is something the Speaker himself has to consult from time to time to pronounce the proper ruling on matters pertaining to the House. Below is a concise and simplified explanation of how Bills are handled in our Parliament.

1. Firstly, there are two basic kinds of Bills. Bills proposed by ministers, i.e., the government, or private member Bills, meaning Bills proposed by MPs who are not part of the government of the day.

Any Bill must be read thrice before it is passed on by the Dewan Rakyat to Dewan Negara before being gazetted as law once the Yang di-Pertuan Agong has signed off on it.

2. Private member Bills are rare and even if they are filed - PKR vice-president R. Sivarasa has apparently been trying to propose a Freedom of Information Act - they usually never see the light of day in Parliament as it is by nature, set up to run the business of the government.

3. A minister may after at least one day's notice present a Bill which shall be read by the Parliamentary Secretary at the Table and the Bill shall then be deemed to have been read the first time and shall stand for a Second Reading at the next or a subsequent sitting of the House. This is why Home Minister Datuk Seri Syed Hamid Syed Albar claimed that the opposition was already given ample time to study the DNA Bill as it was first read on Aug 16.

4. Once a copy of the Bill has been given to all MPs, a motion may be made "that the Bill be now read a second time" and the motion will then be debated in the House covering the general merits and principle of the Bill.

5. At this point, several scenarios may arise. The Second Reading may be delayed or the Bill may be withdrawn altogether or amended. In this case, the Second Reading of the Bill has not been achieved.

6. A Bill may also, as was requested by the opposition for the DNA Bill, be committed by a motion to a Select Committee before its second reading. Such a motion must be made immediately after the Bill is read a second time, and may be proposed by any member and be decided on without amendments or debate. A select committee is a panel that collects more feedback from the public and interest groups to clear any weaknesses in a Bill. Once that is completed, the committee will reintroduce the Bill for debate.

7. If not, then it has passed its Second Reading unscathed and stands committed to a Committee of the whole House -- meaning all MPs. The committee stage, however, is when a Bill has been agreed as policy and MPs will only propose technical amendments before it is read for the 3rd time and brought to the Dewan Negara.

8. The Committee Stage proceeds with the Setiausaha calling the number of each clause or a number of clauses in succession. The MPs are allowed to propose amendments as the clauses are read. If no amendment is proposed or when all proposed amendments have been disposed of, the speaker shall propose the question "That the clause stand part of the bill" and MPs will be allowed to debate it before the House decides on the question.

9. New clauses may also be proposed to the Bill. Once read by the Parliamentary Secretary, the clause shall be deemed to have been read a first time. The question shall then be proposed "That the clause be read a second time" and if this is agreed to, amendments may then be proposed to the new clause. The final question to be proposed shall be "That the clause (with whatever amendments necessary) be added to the Bill".

10. At the conclusion of these clauses, the minister shall move "That the Bill (with amendments) be reported to the House", and the question shall be decided without amendment or debate. Once agreed, the House may proceed to the Third Reading of the Bill.

Sabah MPs reject loyalty pledge

KOTA KINABALU, Aug 29 —Sabah Barisan Nasional MPs have rejected the idea of a pledge of loyalty, a move bound to fuel more political uncertainty.

The decision also confirms speculation that several MPs from the state are keeping their options open.

Yesterday, Unity, Culture, Arts and Heritage Minister Datuk Seri Mohd Shafie Apdal lead a group of about 20 MPs in calling speculation that they were crossing over to Pakatan Rakyat nothing more than lies by irresponsible parties.

He said the MPs would sign a pledge of loyalty to the ruling coalition to be sent to Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

"We are not commodities to be bought and sold. We have our honour," he told a press conference in the Parliament lobby.

Today, Kimanis MP Datuk Anifah Aman said he would not sign such a pledge, saying it was "degrading and humiliating”.

Kalabakan MP Datuk Abdul Ghapur Salleh, who also said he would not sign such a pledge, said the pledge seemed to infer that Sabah MPs could not be trusted.

Karambunai MP Datuk Eric Majimbun, the Sabah Progressive Party deputy president, said neither he nor fellow SAPP MP Datuk Dr Chua Soon Bui of Tawau would be signing such a pledge.

Anifah refuses to sign loyalty pledge, calls it degrading

By Leslie Lau

KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 29 — Sabah MP Datuk Anifah Aman says he will not sign any pledge of loyalty and support for the Barisan Nasional.

Instead, the man considered the de facto leader of BN MPs from Sabah called Unity, Cultural, Arts and Heritage Minister Datuk Shafie Apdal's plan to collect the pledges from all East Malaysian MPs "degrading and humiliating”.

"I have said it before and I still say it now I am not crossing over. Now he wants us to sign a pledge all because he is contesting for his Umno division chief's post," Anifah told The Malaysian Insider today.

The position of East Malaysian MPs is front and centre again following the return of Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim to Parliament yesterday.

Shafie cobbled together a group of 20 MPs from Sabah and Sarawak yesterday to pledge their open support for BN in an attempt to head off talks of crossovers from East Malaysia which would topple the BN government.

He is also hoping to collect pledges of loyalty from all Sabah and Sarawak MPs and deliver them to Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Badawi today.

But he will have to do without Anifah's signature.

"He is further degrading us. He is making us out to be a bunch of rascals," Anifah said in response to Shafie's move.

"If he wants us to sign why not collect signatures from all BN MPs. I do not see any reason to sign. I cannot help it if he does not trust himself."

Anifah has been a central figure amid speculation of crossovers to the Pakatan Rakyat alliance since the March general election resulted in BN losing its two-thirds majority in Parliament and East Malaysian MPs tipping the scales in favour of BN still holding on to power.

Following his rejection of an offer to be a deputy minister in the Abdullah administration, he has shaped himself into a kingmaker, and has applied the necessary pressure on Putrajaya to allocate more resources and attention to issues in East Malaysia.

But The Insider understands he has so far rebuffed overtures from Anwar to defect.

His independent-mindedness however has kept both the BN and PR politicians guessing as to his actual alliance.

Yesterday, he was the lone BN MP who spoke out against the controversial DNA Bill, stopping just short of openly defying the BN whip.

By speaking out against a government motion on the same day Anwar returned to Parliament, he sparked intense speculation again about crossovers.

Asked today his comment about the consequences of Anwar's return to Parliament, all he would say was "he is just another MP”.

Group claims 6 more held under ISA

KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 29 — Six more men have been detained under the Internal Security Act, a rights group said today.

The Abolish ISA Movement, which campaigns to repeal the ISAS, found out recently that the six men were detained in July under the law, said group chairman Syed Ibrahim Syed Noh.

Home Ministry officials could not immediately be reached to confirm the group’s claim.

Syed Ibrahim said the group's lawyers discovered the new names on a list of detainees when they visited the special detention centre for those arrested under the Act. They do not know why the men were arrested, he said.

"I'm quite shocked and annoyed to see what the government is doing," he said. "We have been speaking out against this law, and here we have six more detainees."

Rights groups have long campaigned against the Act, saying alleged criminals should be tried in court. But the government argues the act is necessary for national security.

Malaysia is currently holding 68 people, including 33 foreigners, under the ISA, Deputy Home Minister Datuk Chor Chee Heung was quoted by the national news agency Bernama as saying this week. It was not clear if the number includes the six reported by the Abolish ISA group.

Four Indonesian alleged terrorism suspects held under the Act were released and deported early this month, the group said in a statement.

Two of the men were arrested in 2002 for alleged links to regional militant group Jemaah Islamiyah, while the other two were held in 2006 for alleged links to another militant group, known as Darul Islam.

Most of the other ISA detainees are alleged to have links with militant groups. But the law has also been used against the government's political opponents.

Among those in detention are five Hindraf activists who were held last year after organising a mass protest for equal rights for all races in Malaysia. The government says they were arrested because they had become a threat to national security. — Bernama

Budget 2009 to boost economy, PM’s fortunes

KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 29 — Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi will be looking at today’s Budget speech to not only boost the Malaysian economy but also shore up his flagging political fortunes.

Government officials and his loyalists hope that the announcement of a sackful of goodies including a central agency to overhaul public transportation, tax relief and direct cash benefits for those in the lower and middle-income groups will inject some feel good sentiment into the system and change the news cycle from Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and the defeat in Permatang Pauh to something more neutral for the Barisan Nasional government.

Cabinet ministers have been urging Abdullah and Second Finance Minister Tan Sri Nor Mohamed Yakcop to change the philosophy of prudence that has been the main plank of government spending since Abdullah took over power in October 2003.

They believe that the government should help Malaysians cope with rising inflation rather than be too rigid about cutting the budget deficit. For these ministers, the equation is simple — government has to pump prime or face the prospect of more dissension within the ruling coalition and disenchantment on the ground.

As a result, the government will lift the rein on spending and push the budget deficit from 3.2 per cent to beyond 4 per cent.

For Abdullah and his government, it has come down to this: throw away the shackles on spending, worry about the backlash from analysts and hope that the goodies from an expansionary budget cascades to the man in the street. The Prime Minister will table the budget at 4pm and it will be telecast live over national television.

A blogger takes office in Malaysia

KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 29 — Five years of blogging has brought Jeff Ooi a measure of notoriety. His biting posts on Malaysian politics sparked police investigations.

A pro-government newspaper sued him for libel. A prominent politician compared bloggers to monkeys in a lawless jungle.

In January, as Malaysia braced for national elections, a new banner went up on his blog (www.jeffooi.com): Get a Blogger Into Parliament. Fuelled by donations and manpower, Ooi easily defeated a ruling-party candidate to win a parliamentary seat on Penang Island.

The cyberspace critic turned lawmaker is part of a wave of fresh faces on Malaysia's opposition bench after March's upset election, many of them driven by a desire for reform. Yesterday, former Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim was sworn in as opposition leader following a landslide by-election win that has rattled a shaky ruling coalition.

Ooi has no regrets about his career switch from IT consultant. "The keyboard is mightier than the sword... Even a blogger can no longer tolerate the quality of governance that the country is having now," he says.

Other first-time opposition members in the 222-seat Parliament include human rights activists, professors, non-governmental organisation workers, and an entrepreneur who secretly videotaped a lawyer allegedly brokering judgeships. His tape triggered an outcry last year and an official inquiry into judicial corruption.

Many of the newcomers are relatively young, underscoring a generational shift in politics here after decades of leadership by an entrenched elite. One in three MPs in the DAP, a coalition partner of Anwar, is under 40. By contrast, the youngest divisional chief in the ruling Umno is 43, says Liew Chin Tong, a DAP lawmaker.

"A lot of people have come alive in the last 10 years. They're the 'reformasi' generation, and they think about politics in fundamentally different ways," says Bridget Welsh, a politics professor at Johns Hopkins University, using the Malay word for reform. Young MPs and party workers are the "glue" in Anwar's coalition as they can cross the ethnic lines that define Malaysian politics, she says.

These politicians are likely to be online, as Malaysian cyberspace has emerged as an effective counterpoint to mainstream media that are either state-run or owned by government loyalists. About 52 per cent of Malaysians are Internet users, compared with 71 per cent in the US.

Online news outlets have exposed several scandals involving abuses of power that played out in March's election, to the dismay of politicians who had written off the influence of such media. Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi later said his campaign hadn't done enough to get its message out via the Internet to young voters.

Online fame certainly helped Ooi's campaign: He raised US$25,000 (RM82,500) in 11 days after posting an urgent appeal, though he also trod the traditional path of making speeches, handing out leaflets, and knocking on doors.

Entering politics hasn't stopped him from blogging, though the pace has slowed. Ooi says he used to average six hours a day on his website, often rising before dawn to post his first entry. Like most bloggers, it was a labour of love. Ad revenue brought in US$200 a month — which covered the cost of his bandwidth.

Ahirudin Atan, a veteran newspaper editor and co-defendant in the lawsuit against Ooi, says he supported Ooi's entering politics but believes it has cost him in online credibility, because he might be compromised by party loyalty. "I think a lot of people feel that Jeff Ooi's following has diminished because of his direct participation in politics," he says.

Ooi claims to be uninterested in climbing the party hierarchy and says he earns less now than in the private sector. "What I find exciting is to experiment with political thinking," he says. — The Christian Science Monitor

Anwar back in the House

KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 27 — Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim will make his return to Parliament tomorrow after a 10-year absence.

"The result for the Permatang Pauh by-election is already out and the decision favours Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, so he will be sworn in tomorrow," Dewan Rakyat speaker Tan Sri Pandikar Amin Mulia announced before starting today's session of the Dewan Rakyat.

The speaker also confirmed that it had received official notification of Anwar's victory in Permatang Pauh by-election from the Election Commission this morning and has in turn notified Anwar that he will take his oath of office after the morning prayers as provided for in the Standing Orders.

The result is that Anwar will not only be able to speak in Dewan Rakyat tomorrow but he will be present when Finance and Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, the man Anwar seeks to replace, tables the 2009 Budget on Friday.

Pandikar Amin told the press later that he had not been pressured into making the decision to swear-in the former deputy prime minister but hoped Anwar's presence would result in better decorum among the opposition MPs.

"I expect him to control his members better. If the deputy prime minister of the day can smile when he is hammered, I don't see why the opposition can't do the same," he said.

When quizzed if Anwar's victory would spark another attempt to table a motion of no-confidence on the government, Pandikar Amin said it was up to the opposition as "politics is a game. What is today, is different tomorrow. They may try, they may not."

Pandikar Amin had thrown out an earlier attempt filed with his office by Anwar's wife and predecessor as Permatang Pauh MP, Datuk Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, during the last session as it was filed under the wrong standing order.

The speaker also said he would notify the House that Anwar Ibrahim was the Opposition leader once the opposition had informed him formally.

At 4pm, PKR vice-president Azmin Ali submitted a letter that was co-written by him, DAP deputy chairman Tan Seng Giaw and Pas president Abdul Hadi Awang to Pandikar Amin.

"I expect the speaker to announce our decision to the House tomorrow," Azmin has said earlier today.

PKR retained Permatang Pauh after Anwar won the seat with a 15,671-vote majority in yesterday's polling.

Anwar, 61, obtained 31,195 votes while BN's Datuk Arif Shah Omar Shah, 51, garnered 15,524. Hanafi Mamat of Angkatan Keadilan Insan Malaysia (Akim), 61, ceded his deposit after polling 92 votes, less even than the number of spoilt votes (447).

PKR president Wan Azizah had vacated the seat on July 31 to enable her husband, Anwar, to make his return to Parliament.

Renewed opportunism in Umno

AUG 27 — It's is hardly surprising that Umno leadership pretenders, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah and Datuk Mukhriz Mahathir, have renewed calls for Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's resignation as premier after Barisan Nasional's comprehensive defeat in the Permatang Pauh by-election.

The pressure for Abdullah to step down started right after BN's disastrous performance in the general election but quietened soon after the prime minister and his deputy Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak announced a transition plan which would see the latter taking over both the administration and party sometime in the middle of 2010.

Although not unanimously accepted by Umno rank and file, it was enough to buy Abdullah some time to build his legacy and give Najib a chance to resuscitate a tattered public image courtesy of his top advisor's involvement in the gruesome Altantuya murder.

The transition plan scuppered plans by Abdullah's detractors in the party to oust him during Umno's general assembly in December. Most notably, Abdullah chief critic from within his own cabinet, Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, was forced to back down from contesting one of the two top posts in Umno to defending his third-tier vice presidency.

Many felt Muhyiddin was forced to retreat because with Abdullah and Najib circling the wagon with the transition plan, there was little support among party leaders and warlords for him to move up the party hierarchy.

Similarly, Tengku Razaleigh's campaign to once again become the president of Umno was losing its momentum. Privately his advisers admitted to fighting a losing battle and the transition plan was as good as a nail in his political coffin.

For Mukhriz, his political career's high point of replicating his father's act of dissent by writing a letter demanding the prime minister's resignation lost any traction it may have generated with the 2010 plan and his own hopes of becoming the next party youth leader were also diminishing with a strong surge of popularity of former Selangor Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Mohd Khir Toyo among grassroots youth members.

So for these Abdullah critics, the result of the Permatang Pauh by-election is another opportunity for them to generate momentum against the prime minister.

They claim that Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim's victory is confirmation of the rakyat's rejection and repudiation of Abdullah's leadership. The result is a signal that nothing has been done to salvage the situation since the general election and BN needs a new leader before it becomes too late.

Such calls are at best opportunistic. First of all, this was not an election that was winnable for BN. It took place in Anwar's "back yard" and is a seat that has been in the Anwar family for the last seven terms.

From the get go, many in Umno had already conceded defeat and this was reflected in the reality that at times during the campaign it appeared as though Najib was the only Umno leader working the ground.

While admittedly the prime minister's public approval ratings have been sliding, they are still as strong as Anwar's and Najib's. The by-election was fought under very difficult localised circumstances for BN and to use the results to hasten Abdullah's departure would be opportunistic as well as missing the point of the defeat.

Secondly, the by-election was, if anything, framed as a referendum between Anwar and Najib. Again, although this is unfair because it was held in Anwar's stronghold, many sized up both "prime ministers-in-waiting" during the campaign.

Anwar was as relentless in his attacks on Najib and vice versa. The deputy prime minister believed at one point his own credibility was at stake and swore in a mosque that he never met Altantuya or had anything to do in her murder.

If anything, Najib is as damaged as Abdullah after this by-election campaign which means whenever a leadership does transition takes place, it will do little to save the fate of Umno and BN.

To be fair, Tengku Razaleigh understood this and launched his latest salvo against the top two leaders. Mukhriz, on the other hand, was more disingenuous refusing to criticise Najib for tactical reasons relating to his own future career and limiting his attacks to his father's arch enemy, Abdullah.

Thirdly, Umno and BN must understand that this is not the time to mess about with pressure on the leadership. With Anwar's threat of Sept 16 looming, Umno and BN need to hunker down, close ranks and train their guns outwards.

They are already going to be in for a rough ride with Anwar as the parliamentary opposition leader, they cannot afford to waste their time and energy attacking their own leadership especially after a transition plan between Abdullah and Najib was put in place very recently.

Lastly, the calls for the prime minister to step down again demonstrates Umno's ignorance of the real causes for their plunging popularity. It is not Abdullah per se that the rakyat are rejecting but the system that Umno is seen to propagate.

The refusal to reform, the denial of corruption and the inability to appear magnanimous to non-Malay interests continue to characterise Umno. This is what the rakyat is against and they punished Abdullah for it in the general election because he let them down by not moving firmly enough with his reform agenda.

Umno needs to understand that the by-election result was largely due to Anwar and his personal connection with the voters of Permatang Pauh. While there may be many national factors, these alone do not explain Anwar's resounding win.

He is "family" to the people of Permatang Pauh - a favourite son that they believe will be prime minister. To take the result and turn it against Abdullah smacks of sheer opportunism and denial of the root causes for Umno’s and BN's continued decline into obscurity.

Anwar's in, Pak Lah's out

AUG 27 — Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim's stunning win at the Permatang Pauh by-election not only cemented his position as the undisputed leader of the opposition in Malaysia, it prompted senior Umno politicians to begin the countdown to Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's last day in office.

The majority view is that he has to go by the end of the year if Umno and BN are to stand any chance of checking the advance of Pakatan Rakyat and holding onto to power at the next general elections.

Tuesday night was a repeat of March 8 with Pakatan Rakyat giddy with an electoral success and BN politicians dizzy with another rejection by the public.

But the joy was sweeter for the opposition because their icon not only won but did so in style, trouncing BN's Arif Shah by a 15,671 majority, 2,000 more votes than what his wife obtained five months ago.

The pain was more severe for BN because unlike March 8, they were not caught blind-sided. They poured in millions of ringgit into the campaign, brought their heavy hitters, threw every conceivable missile at Anwar but still ended up losing badly.

The consequences of the Permatang Pauh by-election could be far-reaching, with even Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's neatly-packaged two-year transition of power under threat from increasingly disillusioned party members and leaders of coalition partners.

On Tuesday, only two hours after the last box of votes had been counted, senior Umno politicians were in deep discussion over the need for Abdullah to step down, believing that he had lost the ability to check a resurgent opposition.

A check of the voting pattern at 25 polling stations showed that Anwar snared a handy portion of Malays votes and the bulk of non-Malay votes.

Even the Siamese electorate – a traditional bank of BN support – gave their vote to Anwar.

Najib put on a brave face, saying that Anwar's victory proved that democracy was alive in Malaysia. Left unsaid was that the BN defeat showed that not much had changed on the ground since March 8. Despite the raft of promises by Abdullah to reform the system, the public was not moved.

If anything, Permatang Pauh confirmed that Chinese and Indians no longer fear giving their support to the Opposition.

It also confirmed that the umbilical cord between the Malaysian voter and the Barisan Nasional has been severed.

BN politicians have compiled a list of excuses for the heavy defeat, saying that Permatang Pauh has always been Anwar's fortress; that the campaign was pockmarked with allegations and innuendoes and that the electorate was in no mood to support the establishment because of the rising cost of living.

But they all sounded like excuses and could not obscure the fact that BN suffered its heaviest by-election defeat in recent memory.

Never has BN been in a deeper hole. Never has Abdullah Ahmad Badawi faced such a bleak picture.

Now Umno must ask if Najib can take on Anwar

Commentary by Leslie Lau

AUG 27— When Umno deputy president Datuk Seri Najib Razak decided at the height of the Permatang Pauh by-election campaign to swear in a mosque that he had nothing to do with murdered Mongolian model Altantuya Shaariibuu, it was meant to show up Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim as a hypocrite for not daring to do the same over the sodomy charges he faces.

Yesterday's results – a thumping win for Anwar – showed instead that Najib's move had failed.

Najib's stewardship of BN's campaign failed to even chip away at Anwar's support, and instead raises questions about whether he can lead Umno towards regaining the large chunks of Malay votes it has already lost to the Pakatan Rakyat alliance.

The massive defeat the PKR leader inflicted on the Barisan Nasional (BN) candidate may have also put a dent in Najib's own drive to succeed Datuk Seri Abdullah Badawi as prime minister and Umno president.

"Yes, Najib will take over but there are worries over whether he can take on Anwar," a senior Umno leader told The Malaysian Insider.

"Despite the swearing, the Mongolian thing has still not gone away."

While not one shred of credible evidence has surfaced so far to show Najib's involvement with the Mongolian model, the DPM has found it hard to shake off the allegations against him.

His swearing in a mosque has done little to help repair the damage to his reputation.

This is because the by-election was about Anwar's credibility, and a majority of voters chose to believe him over whatever was said by Najib and other BN leaders.

Yesterday's results have also reignited calls for Abdullah to step down sooner rather than in 2010 when he has promised to hand over the reins to Najib.

There is now concern that Abdullah is a liability and that his perceived weaknesses will allow Anwar to topple the BN coalition soon.

But while there is strong support within Umno for Najib to take over as prime minister, the big loss in Permatang Pauh also demonstrated that the DPM had little sway outside his own party.

Under his stewardship, the BN campaign machinery failed to convince enough voters to at least reduce PKR's majority from March polls and therefore score a moral victory.

But with few credible alternatives, Najib remains the best bet to take over Umno.

He will have to prove his mettle in the weeks and months to come as he goes head-to-head against Anwar in Parliament.

Najib will have to prove his ability to unite the disparate parties of his BN coalition against the onslaught expected from Anwar.

The slowing economy will certainly help Anwar, and Najib, more than the PM, will have to show the BN offers a better future than a Pakatan Rakyat government.

As the Permatang Pauh election results came in last night, satellite television station Astro's news channel Awani featured prominent political analyst Prof Datuk Dr Shamsul Amri Baharuddin describing Anwar as the new "head boy in the classroom" in response to a question of whether the former DPM could unite the disparate parties within the PR alliance in his new role as parliamentary opposition leader.

"Such is his ability that with one look or just a turn of his head he will be able to ensure the others toe the line," Dr Shamsul quipped.

What he meant was that Anwar has excellent leadership qualities.

Is Najib enough of a leader to take on Anwar? The answer will begin revealing itself when Anwar returns to Parliament tomorrow.

We went through hell and back

Commentary by Liew Chin Tong

AUG 27 — Amidst the jubilation among delegates at DAP's post-election national congress, the party is keenly aware of its historical mission to transform Malaysia for the better, an aspiration strengthened by its long and hard road to political prominence.

Unlike other political parties that meet annually, DAP's delegates participate in national congresses with election for central executive committee members triennially. Between two congresses a national conference is held.

Last Saturday's congress in Kuala Lumpur was DAP's 15th since its formation in March 1966. It was postponed from last September as the general election was looming.

It is the first congregation of national, state and grassroots leaders since the March 8th political tsunami that catapulted DAP from a permanent opposition party to holder of state power, and now a partner in a fledging coalition contending for federal power.

In his policy speech, delivered in Malay, English and Mandarin, secretary-general Lim Guan Eng paid tributes to his fellow comrades for their sacrifices throughout the party's 42 years of existence in Malaysian politics.

The members, according to Guan Eng, braved "the cruellest ridicule for this moment of recognition". He said, off-the-cuff in Mandarin, that many DAP men were "often reprimanded by their wives and relatives for wasting time and money on DAP" whereas women in the party were "accused of neglecting their families".

As Guan Eng spoke, tears flow freely down the faces of many. Rain or shine, it was these ordinary men and women that kept the party afloat through their voluntary activism, with the knowledge that there was no reward, financial or otherwise.

Just a few years ago, DAP was seen as a lost cause with many doubting its long term viability. For three consecutive elections since 1995, the party were confined to its core support base and winning only nine (1995), 10 (1999) and 12 (2004) parliamentary seats.

These dark years also saw several rounds of internal splits, with the Chinese educationists withdrawing from the party following the electoral debacle in 1995 and the so-called KOKS strife (to oust Kit Siang or some argued Karpal Singh as well), which involved three former MPs, in 1998.

Very few at last week's meeting realise that exactly 10 years ago, on Aug 23 1998, the party held its 12th congress in an entirely different atmosphere. The party election was the final showdown between those who supported Kit Siang's leadership and those who were against.

Delegates tried hard to fathom the brutal fact that Guan Eng was then scheduled to appear in the Federal Court for his final appeal to quash his conviction under Sedition and Printing Presses and Publications Acts the next day.

Eventually, Guan Eng was sent to the Kajang Prison on Aug 25 1998, regaining his freedom a year later. Due to his conviction, he was not allowed to participate in the 1999 and 2004 elections.

"We went through hell and back," said Guan Eng at the recent congress. "Indeed we shed blood, sweat and tears. But we never doubted, never gave up and never surrendered."

Indeed, DAP leaders and Guan Eng in particular went through hell over the last four decades. No fewer than two dozen DAP leaders were arrested under the infamous Internal Security Act at various times.

But the party triumphantly returned on March 8 this year.

DAP almost doubled its national popular vote share from 9.7 percent or 687,340 votes in the 2004 elections to 18.1 percent in this election, winning 1,071,431 votes nationally. Its share of parliamentary seats increased from 12 seats in the 2004 elections to 28 while state seats increased from 15 in 2004 to 73 (six more seats in Sarawak were won in the 2006 state election).

"While we never expected the political tsunami on March 8," admits Guan Eng, "we are proud to savour this historical moment with the people."

DAP's long-time battle cry of denying Barisan Nasional's two-thirds majority in Parliament was achieved at once. The Pakatan Rakyat forms the state governments of Penang, Perak, Selangor, Kedah, and Kelantan while breaking BN's two-thirds hold in Negri Sembilan assembly.

DAP also expanded its base in other states like Malacca, Pahang and Federal Territory while witnessed breakthroughs for the first time in a decade or so in Kedah, Johor and Sabah.

Electoral gains aside, March 8 gave DAP a new lease of life, which Guan Eng recognised in his speech as "the coming of age of DAP". From a party confined to its core base over three consecutive elections, DAP now boasts:

• Greater gender inclusiveness. The party fielded 19 woman candidates nationwide, 14 of them are now elected representatives;

• Greater multi-ethnic inclusiveness. DAP fielded the largest share of Indian candidates of any Malaysian political parties. Nearly 30 percent of our candidates are ethnic Indians and there are now seven DAP MPs and 12 DAP state assemblypersons who are of ethnic Indian background;

• New generation. A third of DAP's candidates are of the age of 30 or below. Among elected representatives, more than a third is under 40;

• Broadening of DAP's appeal. Estimates show that DAP candidates obtained averagely 20 percent or higher of Malay votes in urban centres.

With this broad-based support and pool of elected representatives from all backgrounds, Guan Eng vowed to take the party to a greater heights by making it a "mainstream party" that continues to uphold the highest level of integrity in governance but reaches out extensively to non-traditional constituents, especially engaging the Malays with greater tact and sensitivity.

It is in this context that Guan Eng proclaimed that the DAP aspires to be a responsible partner in power through endorsing Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim as the alternative prime minister of Malaysia and being committed to the struggles of Pakatan Rakyat, on the basis of promoting CAT (competency, accountability and transparency) governance and the party's Malaysian First ideals.

DAP defines the relationship among the Pakatan parties as a pact of equals with no party imposing its will and ideology on the other.

It has been the longest way possible for DAP to come from perceived political oblivion to within striking distance of national power in coalition with others. DAP is humbly savouring its sweetest victory ever with a vision for broad-based new politics.

(Liew Chin Tong is the DAP MP for Bukit Bendera who was elected the party's International Bureau Secretary last weekend.)